MINNEAPOLIS — In the streets surrounding a drab federal office complex next to the Minneapolis airport, the beleaguered resistance to President Donald Trump found its footing.
As U.S. immigration agents staged at the Bishop Henry Whipple Federal Building for a monthslong deportation campaign, protesters with whistles and cellphone cameras assembled to oppose them. Two were shot and killed in the city’s streets before Trump pulled back under pressure.
Months later, those confrontations remain the backdrop to Minnesota’s Democratic primary for U.S. Senate on Tuesday, which features establishment-backed U.S. Rep. Angie Craig and the more progressive Lt. Gov. Peggy Flanagan. The immigration debate is an added schism in a race that otherwise echoes many of the other left versus center divides that have played out across the United States this year.
Craig voted for tighter enforcement soon after Trump returned to office last year, only to later express regret for her decision after the Republican president sent a surge of agents into Minneapolis. She backed a resolution that condemned antisemitism after a 2025 firebombing in Boulder, Colorado, and expressed thanks for law enforcement, including U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers.
Those votes may turn out to be some of the most fraught of Craig’s eight-year career in Congress, decisions that Flanagan has highlighted while trying to portray her rival as unwilling to fight an unpopular administration in Washington.
“I think that’s when she lost my vote permanently and that’s why I will not vote for her no matter what,” said Bryce Bohne, 40, of Minneapolis. The teacher and owner of an educational tourism company is supporting Flanagan.
Around the Whipple federal building, the fences and barriers are down. The ambient soundtrack is no longer the whistles and chants of protesters, just the rumble of departing jets and passing buses.
But the signs of what happened remain. A few volunteers in bright orange vests keep vigil across the street for 12-plus hours a day, ready to help people getting released from immigration detention or leaving hearings at the immigration court inside.
A few miles away, visitors still bring fresh flowers and handwritten notes to memorials marking the spots where Renee Good and Alex Pretti were killed.
Craig flipped a Republican-held seat in 2018, and every two years she overcame millions of dollars of attack ads to win tough reelection campaigns.
Until Craig’s Senate run, the heat came from the right. Newly under fire from the other side, the decisions she made as a swing-seat congresswoman have become a liability as a statewide Senate candidate. At one recent event, she adopted the language of the insurgent left, though it did not always seem to come naturally.
“The working class keeps getting screwed,” she told volunteers preparing to knock on doors for her Saturday in Brooklyn Park, a Minneapolis suburb. “Folks, I don’t know about you, but it is time that we had a working folks reno— reso— renovation—”
Here, she took a breath.
“—revolution in this country.”
In Craig’s view, she is well suited to the antiestablishment fervor gaining a foothold in the Democratic Party. Raised by a single mother in an Arkansas trailer park, she has known economic hardship. The lesbian mother of four grown children, she is not the archetype of a traditional member of Congress.
She was one of the House Democrats to call for President Joe Biden to drop out of the 2024 race after his disastrous debate performance against Trump. As a relatively junior member of Congress, she pushed successfully to become the top Democrat on the Agriculture Committee, jumping ahead of long-tenured colleagues.
“I consider myself a progressive” she told reporters after her event Saturday. “Every race that I run, Republicans run ads against me saying I vote with Democrats 96, 97% of the time.”
“Of course, in the primary,” she added, “people want to point out the few votes I’ve taken against Democrats.”
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Chief among them was the Laken Riley Act, the first bill passed by Congress after Trump started his second term. It requires federal authorities to detain migrants accused of theft and violent crimes.
Craig and nearly 60 other Democrats in the House and Senate voted for the bill early in 2025.
But at the end of the year, as immigration officers descended on Minneapolis, that vote became a liability. Weeks after Good and Pretti were killed, Craig published a mea culpa in a Minnesota Star Tribune column.
Craig explained that although she had qualms with parts of the law, it had the support of Democrats she respected, and many of her constituents were unhappy with the situation on the border under Biden.
But the “outright occupation by aggressive, unaccountable federal forces” made clear to her “that supporting any bill that gives ICE new authority in this administration was the wrong decision. And I regret my vote.”
Trump’s immigration operation, she says, was not enabled by her vote on the Laken Riley Act.
“Before that, people had a little bit more sensibility about the fact she was in a tough district and had to take tough votes,” said Corey Day, former executive director of the Minnesota Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party.
Craig has since presented herself as a strong defender of Minnesotans against Trump. She says her record of winning tough races positions her to ensure the seat stays in Democratic hands.
“Angie has experience working across demographics that we need to win over statewide, including in rural Minnesota,” said Kevin Anderson, a Hennepin County commissioner who is supporting Craig and went to one of her weekend events. “I love Peggy, I really do, she’s a great politician. But I don’t think she’s ever had to work across Minnesota.”
Democratic Gov. Tim Walz has declined to endorse either candidate for the seat held by Democrat Tina Smith, who is not running again. Late last month his wife, Gwen Walz, endorsed Craig over Flanagan, his governing partner for two terms.
The Republican field includes Michele Tafoya, a former NFL sideline reporter.
To Flanagan and her supporters, Craig’s vote for the immigration bill was not a pragmatic overture to swing voters but a betrayal.
“My primary opponent voted for Donald Trump’s immigration bill and was the only Minnesota Democrat to do so,” Flanagan told volunteers in St. Paul on Saturday. “She since then has said that she regrets that vote, and I’m glad. But it shouldn’t have taken 14 months.”
“We can stand with the immigrant community and not just when it’s politically expedient for us,” Flanagan added.
Like Abdul El-Sayed, who won last week’s Democratic Senate primary in Michigan, Flanagan supports Medicare for All and wants to curtail U.S. military support for Israel. She is running as much against the donors who have spent millions of dollars backing Craig as she is against Craig herself.
“The fact that the money is coming from us and only us makes such a huge difference, because she’s beholden to us, not some billionaire with some business or crypto interest,” said 43-year-old Flanagan supporter Justin Ropella, a customer service manager from Woodbury.
Through July 22, Craig’s campaign had spent $9 million and Flanagan’s $5.5 million. The disparity was even higher among outside groups, with Craig backers spending considerably more, though both have benefited from an influx of outside spending.
To help make up the difference, Flanagan has called on the support of progressive champions such as Sen. Bernie Sanders the Vermont independent who campaigned with her last month.
“If the people of Minnesota can stand up — and I’m confident that they can — and tell these billionaires and their lies and their 30-second ads and their super PACs to go to hell, democracy is going to reign,” Sanders said.
